Monday, October 5, 2026

Who Really Pays?

 


Although I haven't had a great deal of time lately to write, I always have time to think about things that affect our country. One of those things is the immense amount of money the Carney government is committing to, and spending on, defence and nation-building projects.

Given the obvious threat posed by an increasingly belligerent and imperialistic America, a compelling  argument can certainly be made that such expenditures are necessary. I fall into that category, but the question that bedevils me is who will wind up paying the bill? The obvious answer is the taxpayer, but that answer is perhaps too simplistic. Yes, the bill will always come due, but it would seem with Mr. Carney's latest inducements to investors means the corporate sector will be exempt in sharing that bill.

"Our goal is simple — to make Canada the most attractive place in the G7 to invest," Prime Minister Mark Carney said at the summit.

The program is an expansion of the government's earlier productivity super-deduction outlined in last year's budget, which initially extended to a limited selection of investments in things like equipment, machinery and technology. That meant only about 15 per cent of possible investments were covered initially, but the prime minister said the expansion means two-thirds of assets will now be eligible.

That now brings Canada's business marginal effective tax rate down to 6.4%. The G7 average rate, excluding our country, is 26%. This change rate reflects a huge loss in government revenue, one that cannot be replaced unless the government intends to raise tax rates for the rest of us. And that doesn't seem likely, given politicians' aversion to overtly antagonizing the people. One remembers the abandonment of changes to the Capital Gains Inclusion Rate as a useful example. 

No, the much more likely scenario is a cutback in various federal supports and programs. Please check this link to look at some of the things being 'deprioritized'. For additional information, please click here. Clearly, the cuts described will be substantial, all in the service of the government's announced priorities: defence and nation building, as discussed above. And, of course, what is on the cutting block disproportionately affects our most vulnerable. A quick overview of measures relating just to health render a vivid portrait:

The current Liberal government is in the process of making deep cuts to a long series of other federal health initiatives.

Among the health programs on Carney’s chopping block are: 

  • the Public Health Agency of Canada (PHAC); 
  • the National Strategy for Drugs for Rare Diseases; 
  • the Emergency Treatment Fund, which provides assistance to Indigenous communities and municipalities to deal with the opioid crisis; 
  • a 10-year $6 billion federal contribution to home and community care; 
  • and the Canadian Drugs and Substances Strategy. 

There is, of course, much more involved, as you will see with the above links, but the inevitable conclusion to be drawn is that Mr. Carney's nation-building program leaves little room for the development and maintenance of non-tangibles; concrete, steel and pipelines are the only things that seem to matter here.

So what is the answer to declining government revenues that will mean the gutting of much-needed programs? Unlike The Globe and Mail, which advocates for more income tax cuts and an elevation of the GST to 18%, a move that would, again, disproportionately affect the most vulnerable,  there is an elegant and simple solution to increase government revenues. It would modestly affect those most able to afford it: a 0.25% charge on stock and bond trading. Such financial transaction fees are hardly rare in the world, as this link illustrates.

How much revenue would this raise? Given the Canadian volume of trade in stocks and bonds, in theory it could be as high as $70 billion, but likely less for those who would perhaps move to other jurisdictions to avoid the fee. Nonetheless, it would be a substantial source of revenue for a government spending well beyond its means and also provide cash for people's programs that are being reduced or ended. And the beauty of the measure is that it would apply to those most able to pay it. For example, someone buying $100,000 in stocks would pay a mere $250 for the transaction,.

Sadly, I doubt such a move would be considered by our government, which seems to have mega-project stars in its eyes while being blind to the needs of the people who elected it.

 



2 comments:

  1. Hi Lorne. I recently tackled critics of Mark Carney for not being a true Liberal. That sent me on a trip down Memory Lane to the days of Bob Stanfield, Pierre Trudeau, "zap, you're frozen," and the Anti-Inflation Board. Coyne captured the real essence of the Liberal Party.

    How much "liberal" can Canada afford?
    Mark Carney has been getting a lot of flak for not being Liberal enough. How do you measure that? Do you compare Carney to Pearson or Pierre Trudeau or Jean Chretien? How about Justin Trudeau, the guy who used the government treasury to fund a ridiculously expensive bitumen sewer to the sea?

    Globe columnist Andrew Coyne asks how Conservative is Mark Carney's government.
    "[A] common way of reckoning where a government or party lands on the conservative-to-liberal spectrum is with reference to where the centre is, or is thought to be. Often the “centre” is simply another word for the status quo, but where it is not is usually measured relative to where the public is. By this measure, again, it’s not clear the Carney government is all that conservative."
    "Public opinion shifts, becoming more or less receptive to conservative ideas, partly in response to circumstances. When, for example, the government is swimming in revenues, the public is likely to be far less responsive to appeals to cut public spending than it might be when deficits and debt are raging out of control.

    "How conservative or otherwise a government should be rated might likewise be expressed relative to the situation facing it, adjusting for exigency. A government that proposes to cut spending, privatize and deregulate, not because it has run out of money and options but because it genuinely believes in it – which acts, not out of necessity, but by choice – should be considered more conservative than one that is reluctantly compelled to enact the same measures."
    "The Chrétien government, for example, imposed the most drastic spending cuts since the Second World War (not counting the snapback of emergency spending after the pandemic): a 16-per-cent reduction, in real dollars per capita, over three years.

    "Well of course it did. The government was spending 36 cents of every tax dollar just on interest on the debt. It was running out of buyers for its debt.

    "It’s not that the Chrétien Liberals had sincerely been converted to the cause of smaller government or even smaller deficits – they had just been elected on a pledge to do as little as possible about them. It was just the only choice available to them. And to their credit they took it."
    I wound up covering the 1974 federal election campaign. One of the finest Tories ever, Bob Stanfield, ran on a promise to wrestle runaway inflation to the ground. He vowed to implement wage and price controls.

    Pierre Trudeau attacked the Conservative wage and price platform. He would take the stage with his shirt cuffs rolled up, draw an imaginary six shooter, and say "zap you're frozen."
    He was targeting the labour vote and it worked. Union members abandoned the New Democrats and threw their votes behind the Liberals. Trudeau won in a landslide.
    After the election I took off for a holiday in the UK. When I got home I turned on the TV where I learned that Pierre would be making an announcement that evening.

    What was the prime minister about to unveil? He announced that his government would implement wage and price controls, the very issue he used to clobber Stanfield's Conservatives over the head and gut the NDP vote.

    By 1975 Canada was under the Anti-Inflation Board.

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    1. Many thanks for your comments. Is this you, Mound? I remember well the times you refer to. I always had a deep respect for Stanfield; some of his decency, I felt ,was derived from his honesty and integrity. That honesty, of course, cost him dearly. Trudeau, on the other hand, had no reluctance to act afterwards in a hypocritical manner,

      Politics, and the reading of it, has always a ball in motion. What the people want and what they get are clearly not always the same. There is little doubt in my mind that the current government is embraced by so many because of what it offers: a strong answer to Trump's predations, and the promise of spending that will protect and enhance our sovereignty. That it seems to be emerging as an either/or proposition, however, is a false dichotomy, which is why I talked here about alternative sources of revenue.

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